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Uphill Fight for Good Government in Argentina

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Argentina's president and central bank head in happier times.  DEVELOPMENTS

Argentine President Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner prevailed in a prolonged power struggle over the country’s central bank earlier this month when Mercedes Marcó del Pont was appointed as the institution’s new head. The ascension of Marcó del Pont, an ally of the president, concluded a month of political maneuvering that began when Fernandez de Kirchner tried to dismiss central bank President Martín Redrado on January 7.

His offense? Refusing the president’s demand of $6.5 billion of the bank’s reserves to help pay the government’s debt.

Redrado’s dismissal was done via an emergency decree with Congress out of session, (a time-honored tradition in Argentine politics). The Supreme Court cried foul, briefly reinstated Redrado, and then ruled that a congressional commission should decide his fate. Undeterred, Fernandez appointed the bank’s deputy governor as interim head and barred Redrado from the bank. Awaiting the outcome of the commission, Redrado submitted his resignation on January 30, which was bizarrely rejected by the president, who speciously insisted the commission reach its conclusion.

The unexpected appointment of Marcó del Pont on February 3 confirmed the obvious: the central bank will be under the president’s control for the remainder of her term. The new bank chief said as much upon taking office, when she expressed the view that central bank independence should be limited.

What might Fernandez have in mind for the country’s near record $48 billion of reserves? A rash of spending will probably be needed for Fernandez to revive her flagging popularity ahead of the 2011 presidential elections – or, in a scenario analysts consider more likely, to position her husband and predecessor Néstor Kirchner for a bid to return to the presidency. Either way, the specter of four more years of kircherismo bodes poorly for the state of Argentine democracy.

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Interview with Michela Wrong: Author of It’s Our Turn to Eat: The Story of a Kenyan Whistleblower

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 Michela Wrong, author of
In 2002, Mwai Kibaki was elected the third President of Kenya on an anticorruption platform.   He promptly appointed John Githongo, a prominent anticorruption activist, as Permanent Secretary for Governance and Ethics.  Githongo’s dogged efforts uncovered high-level corruption, notably the Anglo-Leasing scandal, which involved hugely inflated contracts, arranged without parliamentary oversight, that were valued at between $750 million to $1 billion. 

 By 2005, Githongo resigned in frustration and went into exile in London, taking damning documents with him.  For two weeks, he hid out in the apartment of his friend, author and journalist Michela Wrong.  A year later, he exposed the scandal and the culture of corruption in Kenya to the world.  Michela Wrong describes this culture in her recent book detailing Githongo’s experience, It’s Our Turn to Eat: The Story of a Kenyan Whistleblower:

Whether expressed in the petty bribes the average Kenyan had to pay each week to fat-bellied policemen and local councilors, the jobs for the boys doled out by civil servants and politicians on strictly tribal lines, or the massive scams perpetrated by the country’s ruling elite, sleaze had become endemic.  ‘Eating,” as Kenyans dubbed the gorging on state resources by the well-connected, had crippled the nation.

Foreign Policy Digest spoke with Michela Wrong to discuss her book, John Githongo and corruption in Kenya, and the implications of the story for the international community.  

 

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